To Kill A Mockingbird Essay: Southern Tradition Exposed -- Kill Mockin

Southerners are known to be proud of their traditional beliefs. To Kill A Mockingbird allows its readers to question and consider those beliefs. Maycomb represents a typical old southern town. Not many people move into Maycomb and not many people who live there journey beyond its boundaries. As a result, the opinions held by many of the citizens of Maycomb are left to grow and foster in the same families for many generations. The circumstances in Maycomb are less than ideal for generating change and more prone to sustaining traditionally accepted codes. Two codes embedded within southern social beliefs are class and race. The years of 1960 and 1961, when To Kill A Mockingbird was published, signaled a time of great change. The civil rights movement was in full swing and the country was undergoing social and economic reconstruction. Traditional thinking was being transformed into ideas and thoughts that had never been considered before, and old traditions were pitted against new ones. Looking into the Deep South, in a little town named Maycomb, tradition for most people meant prejudice, separation, and racism. Atticus Finch chooses to fight against this "old tradition" with traditions of his own. Because of his highly ethical character, Atticus is able to honorably defend Tom Robinson and promote a "new tradition" for himself and his children. Respect, dignity, and equality form the backbone of Atticus' belief system, a belief system containing qualities that are often overlooked in the traditional South. In the absence of outside support, Atticus fights his battle the only way he knows how -- with pat ience, perseverance, and honesty. The South and tradition are synonymous. Southerners are known to be proud of their tra... ... After realizing that he is fighting an uphill battle, it is Atticus' integrity that keeps him pushing forward. He sees the problems with southern traditional social codes and he realizes they must be redefined -- for the sake of his children, and his children's children. Atticus knows that one of these days someone is "going to pay the bill for it"(p.221). He realizes that traditional beliefs will not be changed over night, and he does not expect it. His solution to his dilemma is to stick firmly to his southern tradition and his beliefs. Atticus Finch is a true Southern gentleman. His courage, nobility, pride, and honesty allow him to do what few men at the time could do. Atticus does not fool himself by ignoring the inevitable. He accepts his position and attacks the traditional views that he does not believe in like a true gentleman -- face to face.

Professional Ethics and Civic Morals Essay

The role of the individual and its relationship to the state has been a matter of much sociological debate. Theorists in an array of varied fields such as philosophy, sociology, psychology, and politics have attempted to explain the correlation between the two. In this paper, I will concentrate on the role of individualism to an authoritarian or fascist political structure and how America’s ideals of intense individualism over the collective have led to a vulnerability to a totalitarian political regime. Using the work of Emile Durkheim on the idea of civic morals, i.e. the relationship of the individual to the State, as well as Amitai Etzioni’s study on particularistic obligations and Milgram’s views on obedience we will come to see that the definition of self in relation to the State plays an integral role on not only the individual’s role in the mechanics of the state but their subsequent obedience to the state system. In his work Professional Ethics and Civic Morals, Emile Durkheim explores the relationship of the individual to himself, his family, his profession, and finally his government. As he notes in his defining of the state, there has been since the beginning of civilization, as we know it a direct opposition between the political parties and their constituents. In this lies a division of power, those who wield the authority and those who submit to it. The state is defined as a spatial territory complete with its own customs and interests to which the political party should serve in view of a public good. In the United States, where the larger territory of the country is quite literally divided into semi-autonomous states which retain some control but answer to the federal government on other issues, there is a division of power that belies a partiality. With politics largely divided into two political categories Democrats and Republicans, there are limits and deviations from what the public good means. The American ideal of each individual voice having the power to influence policy and politics, while at the heart of the ideals of democracy, also tends to lead toward exclusionary and separatists policies that effect only a portion of a total population. In the name of the democratic process, Americans accept the results despite the fact that certain policies while acceptable and profitable for one portion of the population can have a detrimental effect on other factions stifle our voices. Durkheim notes that individuals are at the center of the development of any state society, whether it be artistic, economic or political. Without the individuals there can be not collective, however, the United States concentration on recognizing and using an individualist centered ideal of a collective leaves it vulnerable to the control of the collectiveness of a few over the many. Though it would seem that with the democratic structure of our election system and the multi-tiered mechanics of the law system that the United States would be immune to something such as fascism, in reality our system promotes much of the same individualist pandering seen in totalitarian societies. Americans do not always vote for the politics but rather individuals based on an array of factors including morality, religion, personal life/appearance, success with rhetoric, and the changing ethical landscape exemplified in changing attitudes towards science, religion, and race as well as other socio-political structures. Our election campaign process involves the polarizing of certain individual figureheads and not that of ideas, the ideas and policies become secondary in a society, which concentrates so completely on external signifiers. Aggravating the United States state of the pseudo-democratic process is a state of isolation that has been both promoted by the federal government during the Bush era and broken down into a more universalistic approach by Obama. However, at the heart of the patriotism that defines the country, there is a pride, which excludes others and promotes U.S. interests over that of a collective world society. This policy of patriotic isolationism leaves the U.S. particularly vulnerable to a totalitarian regime in that its interests stretch only to within its own borders. As Etzioni notes, â€Å"isolated people tend to be irrational, impulsive, and open to demagogical appeals and totalitarian movements. One could argue that these movements have risen only in societies and periods in which social integration has been greatly weakened† (590). Drawing on this concept, the lack of social cohesiveness following the September 11 attacks when the government suspended certain civil rights for certain people in the name of fighting terrorism, shows the power of a small portion of government to take effective and complete control over the lives of its people without a democratic or collective process. The rights that were stripped from all were done so in effect to stop an unknown number and an unknown contingent of society. That these restrictions affected the whole was of little consequence to the government and at first for a large part of American citizens who obeyed these without question. This is perhaps one of the most recent and poignant examples of the risks posed to the United States by a totalitarian/fascist government. Elsewhere in American history we can see similar instances where a minority of people (in the larger schema, though a large group themselves) having been oppressed and persecuted by a small group of government or political interests; think the Japanese Americans of World War II – the rhetoric of hate used to imprison them seemingly eerily familiar to the fascism of Hitler and Mussolini though hidden under the pretense of security. The conformity of the American people to government decisions that actually demoralize and depress an entire portion of individual peoples, shown through the nation’s history, have been both negative and positive. Bernard Bass in discussing Miligram’s conformity paradigm defines conformity as â€Å"behavior reflecting the successful influence of other persons† (38), wherein he shows that the definition of any successful government whether it be democratic or authoritarian relies on obedience, the difference between the two lies in the structure of the society and its beliefs on the individual’s political view point. Every state runs a risk of being overpowered and seized by an authoritarian regime; however, their overall success is contingent on the attitudes of the individuals who make up that state. In a communist controlled government such as China, where the ideals of socialist reform are extolled if not always practiced, the ground in dogma of the party would undermine the detrimental influence of a demagogic individual. However, in the United States where the individual is seen to have control over his own individual destiny which can be and is interwoven into the social fabric, the very ideals that give importance to the idea of the individual also make the country vulnerable to the control of such individuals. While the American government structure attempts to hedge itself against this danger by having a governing body broken into two major parts and limits on the executive branch’s control. But given the right set of circumstances such as terrorism and blind fear, the democratic power of the people can easily be superseded by the hands of only a few. Fear and intimidation work on many levels, some more subtle than others, all leading to an obedience and control, which are at the heart of a totalitarian authority. References Bass, B. (1961). â€Å"Conformity, Deviation, and a General Theory of Interpersonal Behavior.† Conformity and Deviation. Ed. I.A. Berg and B. Bass. New York: Harper and Brothers, pp. 38-101. Durkheim, E. (1992). Professional Ethics and Civic Morals. Ed. C. Brookfield. New York: Routledge. Etzioni, A. (Fall 2002) â€Å"Are Particularistic Obligations Justified? A Communitarian Justification.† The Review of Politics. 64 (4). pp. 573-598.

What You Need To Know About Cinco de Mayo in English and Spanish

 ¿Quà © es el Cinco de Mayo? What is Cinco de Mayo? This bilingual feature has been written with classroom use in mind — a grammar guide at the end provides useful tips for Spanish students. En espaà ±ol: Los orà ­genes del Cinco de Mayo Muchos creen que el cinco de mayo es el aniversario de la independencia mexicana. Pero no tienen razà ³n — el dà ­a de independencia en Mà ©xico es el 16 de septiembre. Para familiarizarse con los orà ­genes de la celebracià ³n, es necesario estudiar los sucesos a mediados del siglo diecinueve. Despuà ©s de la Guerra Mexicana Americana, Mà ©xico enfrentaba una crisis econà ³mica. En 1861, Benito Juà ¡rez, el presidente mexicano, declarà ³ que Mà ©xico aplazarà ­a por dos aà ±os los pagos de deudas exteriores. Aunque Juà ¡rez hubo dicho que se reanudarà ­an los pagos en 1863, la promesa no satisfizo a Gran Bretaà ±a, Francia y Espaà ±a. Se ablandaban Gran Bretaà ±a y Espaà ±a, pero Francia insistià ³ en obtener su dinero por la fuerza. Napoleà ³n III, emperador de los franceses, nombrà ³ un pariente, archiduque Maximillian de Austria, el là ­der de Mà ©xico. Mientras marchaba hacia la Ciudad de Mà ©xico, el ejà ©rcito francà ©s enfrentaba resistencia tenaz. El 5 de mayo, 1862, el general Ignacio Zaragoza y su ejà ©rcito mexicano vencieron el ejà ©rcito francà ©s en la batalla de Puebla. La victoria mexicana era una sorpresa porque el ejà ©rcito francà ©s era mà ¡s grande y tenà ­a materiales superiores. Segà ºn  un refrà ¡n inglà ©s, es posible ganar la batalla y perder la guerra. Los franceses ganaron otras batallas, y Maximillian se hizo là ­der en 1864. Pero los franceses, enfrentando resistencia mexicana y presià ³n de los Estados Unidos, retiraron las tropas en 1867. El Cinco de Mayo es un dà ­a para conmemorar el coraje de los luchadores contra la opresià ³n. Quizà ¡s por eso este dà ­a de fiesta es muy popular dondequiera haya personas de ascendencia mexicana. Por ejemplo, la fiesta hoy dà ­a es muy popular en Estados Unidos, donde viven muchas persons con antepasados de Mà ©xico. In English: Origins of Mexicos Cinco de Mayo Many people believe that May 5 is the anniversary of the Mexican Independence. But theyre mistaken, for the Mexican Independence Day is September 16. To understand the origins of the celebration, you need to go back to the middle of the 19th century. After the Mexican-American War of 1846-48, Mexico was in a fiscal crisis. In 1861 Mexican President Benito Juà ¡rez declared that Mexico was suspending payment on all its foreign debt for two years. Even though Juà ¡rez had said payments would resume in 1863, Great Britain, France and Spain were not satisfied. Although the British and Spanish-backed off, France insisted on using force to secure its debt payments. French Emperor Napoleon III named a relative of his, Archduke Maximillian of Austria, as ruler of Mexico. As it was marching toward Mexico City, the French Army encountered stiff resistance. On May 5, 1862, General Ignacio Zaragoza defeated the French Army in the Battle of Puebla. The Mexican victory was a surprise, for the French Army was larger and better equipped. There is a saying that its possible to win the battle and lose the war. The French won other battles, and Maximillian became the ruler in 1864. But facing Mexican resistance and American pressure, the French withdrew their troops in 1867. Cinco de Mayo is a time to recognize the bravery of those who fight against oppression. Perhaps that is why this holiday is popular wherever there are people of Mexican descent. For example, the fiesta these days is very popular in the United States, where many people who have Mexican ancestors live. Grammatical Highlights Differences in uses of the two simple past tenses of Spanish can be seen in the article. In general, the preterite is used here in referring to ordinary events (such as with ganaron for the winning of battles), the imperfect is used to provide background, such as in the use of tenà ­an  materiales (literally had materiel). Names of the months typically arent capitalized in Spanish. The name of the holiday is, however. Adjectives such as mexicana and francà ©s derived from names of countries also arent capitalized, nor are most titles such as archiduque. Note how reflexive verbs such as familiarizarse and reanudarse (in the form se reanudarà ­an) are used. Alhough the two verbs could be translated literally in this context as to familiarize oneself and to resume themselves, such a translation would be awkward. In the third paragraph, a comma is used after France in English but not after Francia in Spanish. That is because Spanish does not use the Oxford comma before the y (and) in a series of words.